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In 1950's America, the equality of man
envisioned by the
Declaration of Independence was far
from a reality. People of color, blacks,
Hispanics, Orientals, were discriminated
against in many ways, both overt and
covert. The 1950's were a turbulent time
in America, when racial barriers began
to come down due to Supreme Court
decisions, like Brown v. Board of
Education; and due to an increase in
the activism of blacks, fighting for
equal rights.
Martin Luther King, Jr., a Baptist
minister, was a driving force in the
push for racial equality in the 1950's
and the 1960's. In 1963, King and his
staff focused on Birmingham, Alabama.
They marched and protested
non-violently, raising the ire of local
officials who sicced water cannon and
police dogs on the marchers, whose ranks
included teenagers and children. The bad
publicity and break-down of business
forced the white leaders of Birmingham
to concede to some anti-segregation
demands.
Thrust into the national spotlight in
Birmingham, where he was arrested and
jailed, King organized a massive march
on Washington, DC, on August 28, 1963.
On the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, he
evoked the name of Lincoln in his "I
Have a Dream" speech, which is credited
with mobilizing supporters of
desegregation and prompted the 1964
Civil Rights Act. The next year, King
was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
The following is the exact text of the
spoken speech, transcribed from
recordings.
I am happy to join with you today in
what will go down in history as the
greatest demonstration for freedom in
the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American,
in whose symbolic shadow we stand today,
signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
This momentous decree came as a great
beacon light of hope to millions of
Negro slaves who had been seared in the
flames of withering injustice. It came
as a joyous daybreak to end the long
night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro
still is not free. One hundred years
later, the life of the Negro is still
sadly crippled by the manacles of
segregation and the chains of
discrimination. One hundred years later,
the Negro lives on a lonely island of
poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of
material prosperity. One hundred years
later, the Negro is still languishing in
the corners of American society and
finds himself an exile in his own land.
So we have come here today to dramatize
a shameful condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's
capital to cash a check. When the
architects of our republic wrote the
magnificent words of the Constitution
and the Declaration of Independence,
they were signing a promissory note to
which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men,
yes, black men as well as white men,
would be guaranteed the unalienable
rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has
defaulted on this promissory note
insofar as her citizens of color are
concerned. Instead of honoring this
sacred obligation, America has given the
Negro people a bad check, a check which
has come back marked "insufficient
funds." But we refuse to believe that
the bank of justice is bankrupt. We
refuse to believe that there are
insufficient funds in the great vaults
of opportunity of this nation. So we
have come to cash this check — a check
that will give us upon demand the riches
of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot
to remind America of the fierce urgency
of now. This is no time to engage in the
luxury of cooling off or to take the
tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is
the time to make real the promises of
democracy. Now is the time to rise from
the dark and desolate valley of
segregation to the sunlit path of racial
justice. Now is the time to lift our
nation from the quick sands of racial
injustice to the solid rock of
brotherhood. Now is the time to make
justice a reality for all of God's
children.
It would be fatal for the nation to
overlook the urgency of the moment. This
sweltering summer of the Negro's
legitimate discontent will not pass
until there is an invigorating autumn of
freedom and equality. Nineteen
sixty-three is not an end, but a
beginning. Those who hope that the Negro
needed to blow off steam and will now be
content will have a rude awakening if
the nation returns to business as usual.
There will be neither rest nor
tranquility in America until the Negro
is granted his citizenship rights. The
whirlwinds of revolt will continue to
shake the foundations of our nation
until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say
to my people who stand on the warm
threshold which leads into the palace of
justice. In the process of gaining our
rightful place we must not be guilty of
wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to
satisfy our thirst for freedom by
drinking from the cup of bitterness and
hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on
the high plane of dignity and
discipline. We must not allow our
creative protest to degenerate into
physical violence. Again and again we
must rise to the majestic heights of
meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has
engulfed the Negro community must not
lead us to distrust of all white people,
for many of our white brothers, as
evidenced by their presence here today,
have come to realize that their destiny
is tied up with our destiny and their
freedom is inextricably bound to our
freedom. We cannot walk alone.
As we walk, we must make the pledge that
we shall march ahead. We cannot turn
back. There are those who are asking the
devotees of civil rights, "When will you
be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied
as long as the Negro is the victim of
the unspeakable horrors of police
brutality. We can never be satisfied, as
long as our bodies, heavy with the
fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging
in the motels of the highways and the
hotels of the cities. We can never be
satisfied as long as a Negro in
Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in
New York believes he has nothing for
which to vote. No, no, we are not
satisfied, and we will not be satisfied
until justice rolls down like waters and
righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have
come here out of great trials and
tribulations. Some of you have come
fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of
you have come from areas where your
quest for freedom left you battered by
the storms of persecution and staggered
by the winds of police brutality. You
have been the veterans of creative
suffering. Continue to work with the
faith that unearned suffering is
redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to
Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go
back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana,
go back to the slums and ghettos of our
northern cities, knowing that somehow
this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of
despair.
I say to you today, my friends, so even
though we face the difficulties of today
and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It
is a dream deeply rooted in the American
dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation
will rise up and live out the true
meaning of its creed: "We hold these
truths to be self-evident: that all men
are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red
hills of Georgia the sons of former
slaves and the sons of former slave
owners will be able to sit down together
at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the
state of Mississippi, a state sweltering
with the heat of injustice, sweltering
with the heat of oppression, will be
transformed into an oasis of freedom and
justice.
I have a dream that my four little
children will one day live in a nation
where they will not be judged by the
color of their skin but by the content
of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day, down in
Alabama, with its vicious racists, with
its governor having his lips dripping
with the words of interposition and
nullification; one day right there in
Alabama, little black boys and black
girls will be able to join hands with
little white boys and white girls as
sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley
shall be exalted, every hill and
mountain shall be made low, the rough
places will be made plain, and the
crooked places will be made straight,
and the glory of the Lord shall be
revealed, and all flesh shall see it
together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that
I go back to the South with. With this
faith we will be able to hew out of the
mountain of despair a stone of hope.
With this faith we will be able to
transform the jangling discords of our
nation into a beautiful symphony of
brotherhood. With this faith we will be
able to work together, to pray together,
to struggle together, to go to jail
together, to stand up for freedom
together, knowing that we will be free
one day.
This will be the day when all of God's
children will be able to sing with a new
meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee,
sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the
pilgrim's pride, from every
mountainside, let freedom ring."
And if America is to be a great nation
this must become true. So let freedom
ring from the prodigious hilltops of New
Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the
mighty mountains of New York. Let
freedom ring from the heightening
Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped
Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous
slopes of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from
Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain
of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and
molehill of Mississippi. From every
mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, When we allow
freedom to ring, when we let it ring
from every village and every hamlet,
from every state and every city, we will
be able to speed up that day when all of
God's children, black men and white men,
Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and
Catholics, will be able to join hands
and sing in the words of the old Negro
spiritual, "Free at last! free at last!
thank God Almighty, we are free at
last!" |